“We visited him today in
the hospital. His hand tied to the bed, he was asleep. Police at the door said
we were not allowed to see him. We asked them for a quick glance from afar.
Abdessamad woke up as we became louder. He opened his eyes and
painfully attempted to move. Slowly, he raised index and middle fingers in a profoundly victorious V. That’s Abdessamad Haidour, the one who would shout out loud what we would whisper quietly among ourselves. Prison walls
inhaled the flesh from his thin skeletal body. Is this the destiny of Moroccan
youth who aspire to a better future for all? Prison or death?”
Those were the heart wrenching words of Saddam Cherif, February 20th pro democracy activist and friend from Taza. Abdessamad
Haidour was sentenced to 3 years during a trial where no lawyers were allowed. Tarek Hamani-- a student who’s also from Taza-- is a victim of an even more
ruthless ruling: Six years of prison and a 25 000 dollar fine.
Tarek el Hanfali, from Marrakech, was sentenced to two and a
half years along with a dozen of young protesters whose social demands got them arrested at the end of 2012. The luckiest will be wrongfully deprived of
their freedom for a year.
With twelve more political detainees locked up in El
Hoceima, many in Fez, Kenitra, and tens scattered nationwide, the issue of
random arrests and political imprisonment has become a full-blown cancer in
Morocco. Metastasis spreads as the number of activists that are beaten,
arrested, tortured then incarcerated in Moroccan prisons continues to rise.
Puppet judges and circus courtrooms are as cosmetic as the so-called changes in
Morocco since the wave of protests swept across MENA. They are as loyal to the
oppressive ways of the Palace’s Ministry of Interior as the “new” constitution
is void of articles that have transformed from ink to change. Nowadays, King Mohammed VI’s speech promises on
March 9, 2011, seem as empty as the detainees intestines on their
60+ day of hunger strike.
The large campaign demanding the release of political prisoners
continues. Actions included taking part in the large May 1st
protests, signing an online petition, making signs, sharing pictures and
raising awareness on social media, as well as Mamfakinch and Moroccan Human Rights Association's FreeKoulchi.org initiative, a website in which data related to Moroccan political detainees is published.
The Parallel World of
Politicians:
Abdelilah Benkirane: Leader of the majority winning political
Party for Justice and Development (Said to be Islamist but isn’t; supposed to
rule but doesn’t) was appointed chief of the current coalition government by
King Mohammed VI. One of his signature quotes refers to
senior officials who had committed fraud, stole, or were behind Tax Expenditure
irregularities: "God has forgiven the past". His most recent controversial
action was taking part in last week’s May 1st protest in Rabat, with
workers and pro-democracy activists, against his own government. Benkirane is
regime-friendly.
Hamid Chabat: Recently voted leader of the Independence
Party (al Istiqlal is a deeply-rooted powerful party, that is part of the
government coalition). He is a former mechanic, in addition to being the head
of a workers’ union. His political ambition is also makhzen-bound, thereby
pushing him to aim for Benkirane’s prerogativeless, yet sought after job title.
His quest for limited power began a few months ago when he asked Benkirane for
a ministerial reshuffle. Benkirane refused. The quarrel continued as Chabat said
on April 8:
“Benkirane should stop
complaining about evil spirits and crocodiles”. Chabat did not make that up. The head of the government used the words a metaphor to depict corrupt
officials he was too afraid to denounce publicly. “If Benkirane suffers from evil spirits, he should go spend a night
at the Tomb of Marabout Bouya Omar”, Chuckled Chabat.
On May 2nd, a meeting brought the two in the same
room and a verbal tirade inevitably ensued as Chabat refused to apologize for
accusing a minister of coming to the parliament while drunk. Benkirane left
abruptly before the meeting ended, while urgent matters were yet to be
discussed. The Moroccan government is imploding.
These officials who are supposed to be representatives of
the people have begun to stray from their common cause, as their quarrels get more
personal and more puerile. They fight for high-status administrative titles, leaving
all real prerogatives to the King, and stirring more public criticism from
disappointed voters and taxpayers. Meanwhile, universities and neighborhoods across the country are boiling as students riots spread, while the King continues to steer Moroccan affairs: internally through
the iron-fisted ministry of interior and externally via his advisors.
The Sahara
The thorny issue is one that remains unresolved, due to an
array of geopolitical reasons that have only gotten more complex since the wave
of protests flooded Arab streets in 2011. The UN Security Council extended
MINURSO’s mandate as pressure on the Moroccan regime heightened after talks of
tasking the UN with monitoring human rights violations. Human Rights Watch
supported the move. The Moroccan regime succeeded in getting a renewal that
excludes the human rights bit, an item that the regime blew out of proportions
in state-run media and oddly celebrated it as a triumph over.
However, clashes between pro-polisario separatists and
Moroccan authorities spread on May 2nd, while the Moroccan National
Council on Human Rights reported 2000 protesters came out in Laayoune on May 4th,
demanding the right to self-determination. Before long, videos showing clear
human rights abuses by the Moroccan police in the town of Boujdour were uploaded
to facebook, youtube and viewed by the tens of thousands. Instead of attempting to restore order, policemen
were shown stoning houses, and assaulting women as a response to riots. The minister of interior reacted by claiming that 150 policemen were wounded in the clashes, with not even one protester hurt. This approach is failing to bring credibility to the Moroccan authorities who ultimately seek to mend fences with Sahrauis.
Far from being knowledgeable in this particular matter, I
would nonetheless like to offer an opinion that’s perhaps simplistic, but stems
from thoughts taking into consideration the basic demands of people. I’d also
like to clarify my personal conclusive view now so that no judgments are made
based on this mere invitation to think critically about the issue: I think of
Morocco as one nation, including the Sahara, and would like nothing more than
for the people to see their actual demands met wherever they may be.
On a meta-level, don’t the Sahrauis demand dignity and
freedom? By asking for self-determination, are they not seeking representatives
chosen by them, who care about their people? Are they not seeking equitable
wealth distribution and denouncing a regime that has inflicted human rights
abuses upon people? Are they not demanding justice? Are these calls any
different from a Moroccan citizen who is aspiring for a better tomorrow in
Tangier, Marrakech, Taza, or Fez?
February 20th movement has faced so much
criticism as the regime compared its members to pro-polisario separatists and
launched a systematic makhzen-lead propaganda campaign to tarnish the image of
youth who demanded change.
Would Sahraui people seek a separate state if their demands—similar
to Moroccans’ across the country today,
were met? Why are simple Sahraui people who are burdened by social inequalities immediately singled out as traitors as
soon as they become outspoken before even mentioning self-determination? The regime’s
finger pointing, paranoia, and occasional violent response to pro-polisario
riots throughout the crisis may have exacerbated the situation.
The violence shown in the recent videos exposes the Moroccan
Authorities’ inability to contain and absorb anger. It depicts abuse to
vulnerable Sahrauis that further aggravates the situation. Even the most
makhzen-friendly Moroccans find it appalling to see a woman who’s merely
passing by, beaten and uncovered. The subsequent denial by Laenser-- minister of interior, make the situation even more difficult to resolve. On the other hand, I find myself asking the question: Has Polisario’s
long sought after independence become an end exploited to draw frustrated
sahrauis’ support, who merely view the idea of another state as a means to
freedom, justice, and dignity just like Moroccans do in several regions where
protests are continuously erupting?
Maybe if the ideal values most Sahrauis seek were readily
available in a larger more welcoming nation, and embodied by the Moroccan
authorities, they might welcome unity without being forced into it. Sahrauis
cannot all be bribed, beaten, or indoctrinated into makhzeni submission just
like February 20th activists and more outspoken citizens are
protesting the regime’s humiliating ways nationwide. I think efforts to work
towards peace and unity must involve more space to openly discuss what the
regime has done wrong and where it has failed in advancing in this issue. The
cliché saying: “you cannot keep doing the same thing and expect different
results” is quite relevant here. Already, Makhzen fanatic Amine El Baroudi, who is widely known by Feb20 activists for his violent outbursts posted a Youtube video where he threatens Sahrauis to come kill them, showing a loaded gun and calling for a people Vs. people civil war. Black or white thinking stirs more unrest. Behavior such as Baroudi's is highly dangerous and can only lead to armed conflict. I believe it is wiser to avoid the risks of violence.
The traitor Vs patriot approach is reductive, yet it has
been the way the regime wants the issue to be portrayed to avoid a profound
need for reform. Never in my life have I viewed the Sahara as separate from
Morocco, but even if it has only been two years since I have started witnessing
the dark side of the regime when citizens ask for their rights, I can see how
citizens who push for change can become targeted enemies of the Makhzen. Pro-democracy
activists around Morocco were tortured and imprisoned, and the regime labeled
them all traitors for demanding positive change. This label may stick to
pro-polisario separatists in the minds of most Moroccans, but as tension
heightens around the country, people might start to wonder beyond the Polisario
flag: Why is the Makhzen failing to convince people to be proud Moroccans? Why
does a growing number of people in the south want out so badly?
A young man called the Sniper of Targuist—a town in the
North East of Morocco, began to take videos of Gendarmes taking bribes from
drivers who preferred the cheaper alternative to paying the full amount of a
ticket. He uncovered many corrupt officers. Amid national campaigns to end
corruption in Morocco, the young man who decided to reveal his identity through
an exclusive interview should have become a national hero. Instead, his fearful
friends and neighbors shunned him, while police harassed him constantly and
decided to strike back. Unfortunately, corruption is more than a rampant
cultural aspect in Morocco: it is a built-in cancer that authorities continue
to defend. The sniper of Targuist was forced out of the country. He recently
wrote: “What is this country that doesn’t love and respect me back?”
Beyond Polisario, maybe more Sahrauis who were caught in the
middle of the conflict have been wondering the same thing.
As things continue to heat up this spring nationwide and
more pieces of the Moroccan puzzle emerge, real change makers have yet to
surface with credible, reasonable plans in response to realistic future
scenarios, thereby arranging the pieces in a way that will hopefully make more
sense and soothe Moroccans’ general anxiety.
